PNG's first foreign policy and Somare's influence

Michael Somare was an influential leader in his time. He was vocal during the pre-independence period that PNG should be an independent nation. His call materialized in 1975 when the country became independent.

Apart from his charismatic leadership, we want to know whether he played a part in influencing the creation of the first foreign policy. We also want to know the other key decision makers who contributed to the formulation of the policy of universalism or 'Friends to all, enemies to none'.

Gedare (1994, p.51) wrote that the policy of universalism was embodied in a series of statements between 1973 and 1975 by Somare and Albert Maori Kiki. He categorized the period from 1975 to 1981 as phase 1 where universalism was the first foreign policy approach. He did not really describe in detail Somare's influence in the formulation of the policy but focused on the rationale and outcome of the policy.

Mitna (2018, p. 42) said during the self-governing era there were seminars, discussions and debates between politicians, scholars and advisers about the future of PNG's foreign policy. He talked about Maori Kiki's involvement and the fact that PNG outlined the principles of the first foreign policy in 1974 prior to independence in 1975. He did not mention the role played by Somare.

Premdas (1976, pp. 270-271) mentioned the domestic power play between the 'radical' and the 'pragmatic' elites. He said Somare led the 'pragmatic' elites who constituted a fairly stable majority in the House of Assembly, while John Kaputin led the the 'radical' elites who were supported by university students and trade unionists.

Furthermore, Premdas (p. 276) was able to give some details about Somare's involvement in the formulation of the first foreign policy. In connection to what Gedare and Mitna mentioned briefly, he said the objectives of the first foreign policy was articulated by Somare in a seminal speech he gave on April 16, 1974, to the Australian Institute of International Affairs. He said that he did not want other countries to view PNG's heavy dependence on Australia as neo-colonialism or an "Uncle Tom" relationship.      

Below is an excerpt of his speech shared by Premdas (pp. 276-277):

"We wish to diversify our resources for aid, and in fact we have already started on this programme. Australia has assisted us in locating these sources. We have had favourable response for aid and investment from countries such as New Zealand, United States, Japan, Great Britain and other European nations. The indications are encouraging and it is on foreign investment, trade and technical assistance that the basis of our future ties with these countries will be made. We have assured trade links with Great Britain for some time yet, New Zealand has already made available technical assistance and we see as important her involvement with the Pacific region.....Our contacts with Japan are increasing dramatically and substantial Japanese investment has already taken place in timber and fishing resources during the past two years. In general, Japanese companies have shown understanding towards our attitude to foreign investment which I have already outlined. Japan stands ready to offer technical and development aid."

The foreign policy speech is evidence that Somare did influence the formulation of PNG's first foreign policy. He talked about our relations with others countries which fits into the policy of 'Friends to all, enemies to none'. The general objective was to diversity our relations and minimize our dependence on Australia.    

Under the leadership of Somare, Premdas (p. 278) stated that the Ministry of Foreign Relations and Trade announced that in 1975-76 greater emphasis will be placed on increasing trade with the People's Republic of China. Interestingly, it was mentioned that China was potentially a profitable source of cheap products for PNG and was an excellent market for PNG export products. On November 17, 1975, it was announced that China had agreed to take two trial shipments of PNG timber for market evaluation.

Premdas (p. 279) stated that Somare's foreign policy speech highlighted the fact that neo-colonial relationship was not desired. He said continual pressure was put on PNG's decision-makers during that period by the 'radical' elites to destroy all remnants of colonial control in the country.

Somare's own personal experiences played a part in influencing his perspective during the independence era. He talked about his school days when he was not referred to by his name but was given a serial number. He talked about having restricted rights and about the fact that his opinions were given to him.   

In an interview with Steven Kilage, he talked about his teaching experience. He said they were assistant native teachers and not full grade teachers. He talked about the restrictions that were imposed on them by the colonial administration. They were not allowed to go to the houses of the Australian teachers or sit on their desks. 

Wolfers and Dihm (2009, p. 302) also mentioned the fact that PNG was unique in comparison to other countries because we had a foreign policy in place at independence. They said the main elements of our first foreign policy was sketched out by Maori Kiki before the Australian government transferred day-to-day responsibility for the actual conduct of foreign relations and defence. They did not mention the role played by Somare. 

Griffin (1974) gives us a good picture of the uniqueness of PNG's first foreign policy. The book he edited contained the proceedings of a seminar conducted in the University of PNG (UPNG) on 17-18 June 1972. Entitled "A Foreign Policy for an Independent Papua New Guinea" the seminar facilitated by the Australian Institute of International Affairs played a pivotal role in helping us develop our first foreign policy.

In the Foreword of the book, Somare as Chief Minister of the National Coalition Government of PNG said that his government have been concerned with more urgent domestic issues. As such, they have not discussed our foreign policy. He said they have not yet examine together in depth what they anticipate to be the key pressures, prospects and likely threats. In addition, he said we have not yet looked at the influence of domestic policies and of our attitudes and fears upon the formation of foreign policy in future.

In the third session of the seminar, Somare talked about aid and trade with Japan. He mentioned the same points outlined by Premdas. In essence, he wanted PNG to diversify and seek the help of other development partners instead of Australia. This is reflected in the statement he made in pages 90 to 91:

"PNG will have to make sure there is no tendency to first look to Australia, and then compare offers. We'll have to continue to have a good look around us before making our decisions. Australia will be just one of our trading partners. Australia is now relaxing its grip on Papua New Guinea in politics and other fields.....PNG must not allow any country to retain a stranglehold on its future trade relations...This also applies to foreign aid. An independent PNG should look to other countries for this as well."

Somare finally concluded his presentation by saying that:

".......we in PNG as yet have not really tackled the issue of foreign policy. I am not laying down any rules for a future foreign policy but throwing out come ideas for discussion."

These snippets of information from the various literature provide a basis for proclaiming that Somare did play a role in influencing the formulation of PNG's first foreign policy. In particular, when he participated in the foreign policy seminar held at UPNG in 1972 as the Chief Minister, and when he later give a speech in 1974 to the Australian Institute of International Affairs, both presentations outline his knowledge about foreign policy and which direction he wanted PNG to take.

Apart from him, there were others who influenced the creation of our first foreign policy. Politicians like Maori Kiki, Olewale, Whitlam and Peacock including academics like Griffin, Sundhaussen and Millar were mentioned in various literature. The academics came from UPNG and also the Australian Institute of International Affairs.
       

References
Gedare, D. (1994). Australia-Papua New Guinea relations, 1980-1990: independence and change (Master’s thesis, University of Wollongong, Australia). Retrieved from https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/2213/  
Griffin, J. (Ed.). (1974). A foreign policy for an independent Papua New Guinea. Sydney: Angus and Robertson.

Mitna, P (2018). Factors influencing Papua New Guinea’s foreign policy in the Twenty-First Century (Doctoral dissertation, The Australian National University). Retrieved from https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/156980?mode=full  

Premdas, R. (1976). Toward a Papua New Guinea foreign policy: constraints and choice. Journal of International Affairs, 30(2), 263-279.

Wolfers, E. P. & Dihm, B (2009). Foreign policy making. In R. J. May (Ed.), Policy marking and implementation: studies from Papua New Guinea (1^st ed., pp. 299-321). Canberra: ANU E Press.