The Yegiora Files

When people ask what research theory underpins my PhD research, my answer is simple but deliberate: critical realism . In studying China’s Higher Education Exchange Programs in PNG—from scholarships and language training to public sector upskilling—I needed a lens that could help me see beyond the numbers and stories. Critical realism allows me to ask not just what is happening , but why , and what deeper structures are at play . This is essential when dealing with international education, soft power, and foreign policy. This diagram illustrates the layered structure of the research design: starting with a critical realist epistemology, guided by soft power as the theoretical lens, employing an explanatory sequential mixed-methods methodology, and using surveys and interviews as core data collection methods. At its core, critical realism is a philosophical framework developed by British philosopher Roy Bhaskar. It suggests that reality exists in layers: what we can observe (empirical)...

Rugby league is more than just a sport in PNG; it is a unifying cultural force and, increasingly, a tool of diplomacy. In Lesson 5 of our Foreign Policy in PNG unit, we explored how rugby league diplomacy can be framed and understood as an instrument of soft power. Using Moodle’s Lesson activity, we designed a branching exercise that asked students to make strategic choices about how PNG might frame its National Rugby League (NRL) bid in relation to foreign policy objectives. This approach highlighted the practical intersection of media framing, public diplomacy, and foreign policy strategy. Moodle Lesson 5 introduces students to rugby league diplomacy as a form of soft power, linking PNG’s NRL bid to foreign policy objectives outlined in the Department of Foreign Affairs Corporate Plan 2018–2022. The lesson opened with a content page introducing the idea of rugby league as soft power. Drawing on Hafford Norea’s NRI Spotlight paper , students were reminded that rugby is not merely a...

Lesson 3 in the Foreign Policy in PNG unit focuses on one of the most critical dimensions of the country’s early diplomacy: the economic interest behind its first foreign policy. The Moodle lesson is designed not just to present information but to actively engage students through a carefully sequenced mix of content pages, multiple-choice questions, true/false items, and short essays. This structure ensures that students absorb the historical detail, test their comprehension, and reflect critically on the role of national interest in shaping PNG’s external posture. Moodle Lesson 3: Economic Interest Behind First Foreign Policy — a structured mix of content, quizzes, and essays guiding students through the role of economics, scholars, and leaders like Somare and Ako in shaping PNG’s early foreign policy. The lesson begins with the page titled “Economic interest behind first foreign policy.” This section introduces students to the conceptual framework for understanding how states for...

Jesher Tilto’s recent editorial , “Time to move from aid to trade,” published in The National , is a strong piece of writing. It makes the case that PNG must move beyond aid dependency and anchor its foreign policy in trade and strategic partnerships. The prose is sharp, the argument is persuasive, and the subject matter is timely. Few would disagree with the urgency of Tilto’s call for a more coherent foreign policy framework to guide PNG’s external engagements. That said, accuracy in foreign policy history matters, and here the editorial falls short. Tilto asserts that PNG’s foreign policy has remained unchanged since 1975 under the banner of “friends to all, enemies to none.” This is not correct. As someone who has taught PNG foreign policy for the last ten years, I can say confidently that PNG’s foreign policy has not been static. It has undergone important reviews and revisions that have shaped the nation’s international posture. The most notable review occurred in 1979. That...

The Chinese Embassy in Port Moresby has issued its first official response to the joint communiqué between PNG and Australia on a Mutual Defence Treaty. The tone of the statement is carefully balanced: on the one hand, Beijing acknowledges PNG’s sovereign right to sign treaties with other states, a right explicitly provided for under Section 117 of the Constitution ; on the other, it lays down clear red lines. For PNG, this response underscores the delicate balancing act it must perform in navigating its most important bilateral relationships. China’s official response to the Australia–PNG Defence Treaty: respect for PNG’s sovereignty, but with clear warnings against exclusivity, targeting third parties, or undermining China’s long-term interests. The first key point is China’s invocation of the principle of non-interference . This framing signals respect for PNG’s sovereignty and projects an image of China as a partner that does not dictate terms. At face value, it reassures Port Mor...

Foreign policy education in PNG has entered a new phase of innovation. At Divine Word University, the unit Foreign Policy in PNG (PG428) is now delivered fully online, with a strong emphasis on blending academic inquiry with practical experience. For the past four years, I have co-taught this unit alongside Mr. Lahui Ako, a veteran of the foreign service whose insights allow students to see both the theory and practice of statecraft. This partnership, supported by digital platforms, ensures that students across PNG can engage with one of the most important areas of national decision-making. The unit is designed to give students a critical understanding of how PNG interacts with the international system. Through ten online lectures, ten Moodle lessons, and a capstone case study, students are introduced to the key decisions and turning points that have shaped PNG’s foreign policy since independence. But more importantly, they are challenged to assess the merits and shortcomings of thes...

PNG’s reliance on security treaties and defence cooperation agreements with Australia is understandable given our geographic proximity and historical ties. Yet, the sequencing of our priorities is questionable. Instead of anchoring our bilateral relationship primarily in security, PNG would have been better served by negotiating a free trade agreement (FTA) with Australia. Economic integration should precede security guarantees. Trade builds independence, and independence funds security. Australia has a Free Trade Agreement with China—why not with PNG? Instead of another defence treaty, why not build true economic integration first? Because PATCRA II is a non-reciprocal trade agreement or not an equal free trade agreement. Australia is already our largest trading partner and aid donor . But aid does not translate into economic sovereignty. An FTA would open Australian markets more fully to PNG goods and services, incentivise investment in manufacturing and agriculture, and create a...