The Yegiora Files

The Lowy Institute’s recent publication “Southeast Asia’s Evolving Defence Partnerships” offers critical lessons for countries on the periphery of Asia’s strategic chessboard. PNG, though not part of ASEAN, is no less exposed to the shifting balance of power. As Southeast Asian states diversify their defence relationships, PNG must read the signals carefully: a multipolar security environment demands agility, not dependence. Lowy Institute’s August 2025 analysis on Southeast Asia’s evolving defence partnerships highlights how regional states are broadening their security ties beyond the US and China — a lesson PNG can adapt as it recalibrates its own defence strategy. The report underscores how Southeast Asian nations have moved beyond binary choices between the US and China. Instead, they are engaging Australia, Japan, India, and South Korea through defence agreements, dialogues, and joint exercises. This diversification strategy is highly relevant for PNG, which still leans disprop...

The signing of shiprider agreements with the UK and the US , alongside PNG’s long-standing participation in Australia’s Pacific Maritime Security Program, signals a major transformation in the way Port Moresby manages its ocean domain. On the face of it, these partnerships are practical: they give the PNGDF access to vessels, surveillance, and training it cannot afford on its own. For a country with responsibility over 2.4 million square kilometres of sea, such external help is not optional—it is survival. Yet beneath the rhetoric of “capacity building” and “partnership,” there is a deeper layer that warrants careful scrutiny. All three of PNG’s main maritime security partners—the UK, US, and Australia—are members of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance and central actors in the AUKUS security pact. Their motives cannot be divorced from the larger strategic contest in the Indo-Pacific, where maritime access, surveillance reach, and influence over island states are critical pieces in ...

Francis Hualupmomi’s 2015 essay on the internationalisation of higher education was one of the first attempts to explain why PNG has struggled to harness education as a tool of diplomacy. He noted that while political, economic, diplomatic, and security issues dominate foreign policy, higher education cooperation is rarely prioritised . This neglect has created a blind spot: PNG risks underutilising one of the most powerful instruments of influence in the modern era — education. In today’s world, internationalisation of education is no longer a marginal academic concern but a central component of foreign policy. Countries like China, through its scholarship and language programs, or the United States with the Fulbright Program, use higher education as a deliberate strategy to project soft power, cultivate elites, and build long-term influence. Australia, PNG’s closest neighbour, has long pursued similar goals through the Australia Awards , which provide hundreds of PNG students with ...

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has made inroads across the Pacific through infrastructure, connectivity, and investment projects. Yet in PNG, where China’s largest single investment in the Pacific—the Ramu NiCo mine—operates, benefits remain contested. Community voices , parliamentary debates, and national leaders have all questioned whether Chinese projects are meeting local needs. If the BRI is to enhance China’s credibility in PNG, it must target projects that directly improve daily life for communities around Ramu NiCo. Chief among these is the Ramu–Madang road. Minister Richard Maru has directed the Mineral Resources Authority to audit Ramu NiCo’s community benefits, reflecting growing concerns about whether the mine is delivering fair outcomes for local people. The Ramu–Madang road is not just a transport link; it is the lifeline that connects the Kurumbukari mine site to Madang town, the provincial centre , and to surrounding villages, schools, and markets. For thousands of...

Ramu NiCo has again found itself under the national spotlight. International Trade and Investment Minister Richard Maru recently directed the Mineral Resources Authority (MRA) to conduct an audit into the company’s benefits to local communities, expressing dissatisfaction with its oversight. His demand reflects growing discontent not only in Madang Province but also at the national level, where the question of whether Ramu NiCo is delivering fair returns to PNG is being openly contested. In Parliament, newly elected Usino Bundi MP Vincent Kumura has echoed these concerns, stating plainly that Ramu NiCo must do more for its host communities. His intervention is significant because it adds political weight to grievances long voiced at the grassroots. Kumura’s remarks underline that the dissatisfaction is not just localised complaint but part of a wider political consensus forming around the mine’s performance. National revenue authorities have also entered the debate. Internal Revenu...

Over the past few weeks, I have been steadily advancing my PhD research on China’s Higher Education Exchange Programs and their influence on Sino–PNG relations. I am pleased to share with you, my survey participants and wider audience, that I have completed two significant research reports. These documents represent important milestones in both the data analysis phase and in refining the methodology that underpins this study. The first report focuses on the quantitative data analysis . Drawing on the survey responses I received from participants across PNG and those currently studying in China, I examined trends using descriptive statistics such as means, frequencies, and cross-tabulations. These figures reveal not only how students and alumni perceive Chinese scholarships and language programs but also how these experiences are shaping their views on bilateral relations. The data points to consistent support for the academic quality of these programs while also highlighting areas whe...

The proposed Australia–PNG Defence Treaty has been hailed as a milestone in bilateral security cooperation. Canberra frames it as a partnership that will strengthen the PNG Defence Force (PNGDF) through training, infrastructure, and interoperability with the Australian Defence Force (ADF). Yet behind the rhetoric lies a set of risks that have not been openly debated in Port Moresby. The most pressing danger is that PNG could be pulled into conflicts driven not by its own interests, but by Australia’s wider alliance obligations with the United States (US) and other partners. PNG soldiers are set to join the Australian Defence Force under the new defence treaty, raising tough questions: if Australia goes to war with China alongside its ANZUS and QUAD partners, will PNG troops be drawn in too? Watch the ABC News coverage here . Unlike the ANZUS treaty, which binds Australia, New Zealand (NZ), and the US to act collectively if attacked, no public draft of the Australia–PNG agreement includ...

PNG’s diplomacy has too often been reduced to rhetoric. Successive leaders deliver striking foreign policy statements in Parliament or abroad, but the bureaucracy is left with nothing more than speeches. Without structures, strategies, or resources to sustain them, these statements evaporate. It is a cycle of rhetoric without results—and two authoritative voices, Philip Mitna and Lahui Ako, show us exactly why. Dr. Philip Mitna, in his doctoral thesis Factors Influencing Papua New Guinea’s Foreign Policy in the Twenty-First Century , is blunt. PNG’s foreign policy, he argues, “remains weak and more personalised in individual political leaders” . For Mitna, the Department of Foreign Affairs has failed in its most basic task: to translate political declarations into sector-aligned documents such as white papers or national strategies. The system, he concludes, is institutionally incoherent. The consequences are obvious. Foreign policy is reactive, episodic, and dictated by personalitie...

PNG’s geopolitical environment is growing more complex as global competition, climate change and transnational threats reshape the Pacific. Yet the country’s capacity to analyse and formulate foreign policy remains limited. Public servants, private‑sector leaders and academics often lack formal training in modern diplomacy, geopolitical analysis and cross‑sector coordination. A proposed Master of Foreign Policy Analysis (MFA) with an embedded Postgraduate Diploma seeks to fill that gap by cultivating a cadre of skilled analysts. The need for such a program is evident when considering that PNG has produced only one comprehensive foreign policy white paper since independence. Active and Selective Engagement , tabled in Parliament on 9 November 1981 following a review commissioned by Sir Michael Somare and championed by Prime Minister Sir Julius Chan, was published in 1982 in the Department of Foreign Affairs’ Review Journal (Volume 1, Number 4) for public circulation. It remains the c...

For months, debate over a prospective defence treaty between PNG and Australia has gathered momentum. Negotiations were formally announced in February 2025, with leaders on both sides signalling September 16—PNG’s Independence Day—as a potential signing date. The treaty, if concluded, will represent the most binding military pact in PNG’s post-independence history. Yet amid the symbolism and political rhetoric, one fact remains stark: there has been no comprehensive academic research from within PNG critically assessing the risks and potential outcomes of such an agreement. It is important to be clear: this Defence Treaty is not the same as the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA) signed in December 2023 and ratified in December 2024. The BSA was a broad framework covering security cooperation across policing, cyber, law and justice, and resilience building. While significant in scope, it was essentially a whole-of-government umbrella agreement. The Defence Treaty, by contrast, will b...

The Australian Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT) recently released Report 220 , a detailed review of the Agreement Between the Government of Australia and the Government of Papua New Guinea on a Framework for Closer Security Relations . This report, tabled in September 2024, goes beyond the legal text: it explores obligations, costs, implementation pathways, and even sensitive issues such as the status of forces, immunities, and cyber security. Its central recommendation was clear—Australia should proceed with binding treaty action . The report demonstrates how Australia institutionalises scrutiny of treaty commitments. JSCOT examined the treaty text, considered a National Interest Analysis, held public hearings, and questioned senior officials from Defence, Foreign Affairs, and the Federal Police. It explored implications for sovereignty, fiscal costs, and the legal framework of cooperation. This reflects a deliberate effort to ensure public accountability and...

The development of PNG’s first postgraduate program in Foreign Policy Analysis has reached a critical milestone. After months of research, consultations, and rigorous planning, the draft Program Specification Document (PSD) has now been completed. This represents not just an academic exercise, but a strategic step toward strengthening PNG’s foreign policy capacity and equipping the next generation of policymakers, analysts, and practitioners with the skills to navigate an increasingly complex international environment. Cover page of the PSD for the Master and Postgraduate Diploma in Foreign Policy Analysis, Divine Word University, August 2025. Featured is the book Towards a PNG Foreign Policy White Paper authored by Mr. Lahui Ako. This program is being designed in direct response to a recognized gap in PNG’s higher education and policy landscape. For decades, the country has lacked a dedicated advanced program that blends theoretical training with practical exposure to foreign policy...

China’s donation of seven patrol boats to Vanuatu  has once again highlighted Beijing’s use of hard security assets as tools of influence in the Pacific. Valued at around US $2 million, this package represents more than simple material support. It is part of China’s broader strategy of embedding itself into the security fabric of island states by offering low-cost, highly visible solutions to pressing maritime security gaps. The vessels strengthen Vanuatu’s ability to patrol its waters and signal its growing security partnership with Beijing. China has handed over seven patrol boats to Vanuatu, reinforcing Beijing’s growing maritime footprint in the Pacific. Could PNG pursue a similar path to boost its own maritime security—or will the forthcoming defence treaty with Australia block that option? For PNG, the example of Vanuatu raises immediate questions. PNG faces a maritime security deficit of its own. The Defence Force’s Maritime Element is under-resourced, operating mainly with...

Prime Minister James Marape has welcomed China’s decision to open its markets to PNG’s agricultural exports. While much of the commentary has focused on coffee, it is Juncao mushrooms that could become the game-changer. Unlike traditional export crops that take years to bear fruit, Juncao mushrooms yield results within weeks, making them a realistic option for income generation and large-scale trade with China. The Juncao technology, pioneered by Chinese scientists and introduced to PNG two decades ago, has proven to be a low-cost, high-impact farming innovation. Farmers can cultivate mushrooms using grass and agricultural waste rather than cutting down trees, aligning with sustainable farming practices. The rapid production cycle and high market value of Juncao mushrooms set them apart as a new pillar in PNG’s export strategy. China’s Juncao technology has transformed livelihoods in PNG for over 20 years, equipping rural communities with sustainable farming skills and supporting t...

When I began my PhD research on China–PNG Higher Education Exchange Programs , my plan was to conduct all follow-up interviews face-to-face. The idea was to engage directly with participants, build trust, and gather nuanced perspectives through in-person dialogue. As the survey progressed, however, I realized that many of my participants form a hard-to-reach population . They are dispersed across PNG’s provinces, while others are based overseas in China. The diversity of their locations, along with scheduling challenges, made it impractical to rely solely on face-to-face interviews. To overcome this, I submitted an addendum to the DWU Research Ethics Committee (UREC) . I requested approval to shift my interviews to an online format using Microsoft Forms . The UREC approved the amendment, which has allowed me to adapt my methodology while maintaining ethical and academic standards. This change brings a key advantage: convenience. The interview questions are embedded in the online for...

PNG’s foreign policy since 1982 has been anchored on Active and Selective Engagement . The principle is sound: be open to the world, but engage in ways that protect and advance national interests. Yet this approach cannot succeed in today’s strategic environment without one critical foundation—intelligence.  Without strong intelligence and rigorous research capacity, the government is operating blind in an increasingly complex geopolitical arena. The reality is stark. From great power competition in the Pacific to transnational crime, cyber threats, and shifting trade routes, PNG’s security and prosperity depend on decisions informed by evidence, not guesswork. But evidence requires investment. The National Intelligence Organization (NIO), police intelligence, defence intelligence, customs intelligence, and even private security firms are operating with limited budgets and outdated capabilities. This leaves policymakers without the high-quality, real-time intelligence products nee...