The Yegiora Files

PNG’s reliance on security treaties and defence cooperation agreements with Australia is understandable given our geographic proximity and historical ties. Yet, the sequencing of our priorities is questionable. Instead of anchoring our bilateral relationship primarily in security, PNG would have been better served by negotiating a free trade agreement (FTA) with Australia. Economic integration should precede security guarantees. Trade builds independence, and independence funds security. Australia has a Free Trade Agreement with China—why not with PNG? Instead of another defence treaty, why not build true economic integration first? Because PATCRA II is a non-reciprocal trade agreement or not an equal free trade agreement. Australia is already our largest trading partner and aid donor . But aid does not translate into economic sovereignty. An FTA would open Australian markets more fully to PNG goods and services, incentivise investment in manufacturing and agriculture, and create a...

When designing a postgraduate program in Foreign Policy Analysis, one cannot rely on assumptions alone. Programs must be built on evidence, not guesswork. At Divine Word University, we conducted an online survey to test the demand for such a program. The results, with 232 respondents , confirmed that there is both strong interest and urgent need for postgraduate training in this field. The survey reached a wide cross-section of Papua New Guineans: 101 students, 57 public servants, 43 academics, and 31 private sector professionals . This mix reflects the reality that foreign policy is not the exclusive preserve of diplomats. It cuts across sectors—from government and education to business and civil society. The fact that interest came from every corner demonstrates that a postgraduate program in foreign policy would serve a genuinely national constituency. One of the strongest findings was the age profile of respondents. The 25–34 age group made up 111 participants , nearly half of th...

The forthcoming launch of PNG’s new Foreign Policy White Paper should be a landmark moment in our diplomatic history. Yet, for me as an international relations academic, there is something deeply unsettling. I work at a university that has taught international relations for more than a decade, producing graduates who now serve across the public sector. Many of our alumni have gone directly into the Department of Foreign Affairs, with at least three currently working in the Foreign Policy Coordination Office. And yet, neither the university nor myself—as an academic shaping the very minds that will implement this White Paper—was consulted or given sight of the draft prepared by the eminent persons group. I first taught the unit IR428 Foreign Policy in PNG on my own, and for the last four years Mr. Lahui Ako and I have been co-teaching it online—combining academic insight with practitioner experience to strengthen foreign policy education in PNG. This raises a legitimate question: does...

If I were given the opportunity to review the Australia–PNG Defence Treaty, I would approach it through the lens of national security and strategic autonomy. This treaty is being hailed as a historic milestone, but as an IR academic, my responsibility would be to go beyond the celebratory rhetoric and ask whether it truly makes PNG more secure, sovereign, and strategically resilient. My main argument is simple: the treaty must be measured not by its symbolism, but by how well it protects PNG’s interests across eight key dimensions. The first area I would examine is strategic alignment . Any defence arrangement must sit within PNG’s own guiding documents—our National Security Policy, Defence White Paper, and the forthcoming Foreign Policy White Paper. The core question is whether the treaty strengthens PNG’s long-term security under Vision 2050 and MTDP IV, or whether it primarily anchors us into Australia’s Indo-Pacific strategy. Without alignment, we risk fighting someone else’s batt...

PNG’s National Schools of Excellence Policy 2020 represents one of the most ambitious reforms in the country’s education system. At its core, the policy recognizes that STEM—Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics—is central to national development, global competitiveness, and long-term economic resilience . By upgrading National High Schools and select secondary schools into Schools of Excellence, the government aims to produce a generation of Papua New Guineans equipped to innovate, invent, and solve complex problems in a rapidly changing world. Cover of PNG’s National Schools of Excellence Policy 2020 , issued by the Department of Education to drive STEM-focused reforms and nurture the country’s future innovators. The policy is rooted in broader national visions. PNG’s Vision 2050 , Development Strategic Plan 2030 , and Medium-Term Development Plans all emphasize the creation of a skilled workforce capable of driving a blended economy—combining extractive industries, se...

PNG’s evolving security relationships have begun to converge in a way few predicted. With the Defence Treaty now signed with Australia and deepening diplomatic ties with Israel, Port Moresby faces a pivotal decision: should PNG sign a similar Defence Treaty with Israel, or settle for a structured cooperation framework? Recent statements such as “Israel is happy to help PNG” on the The National and past reports of security partnerships with Israel mentioned on PNG Facts sharpen this question. The Christian identity of PNG plays a far greater role than mere symbolism. Many in the country view Israel not only through a religious lens but as a partner whose values they share. Serving alongside the Israel Defense Forces, should a treaty be agreed, would not contradict PNG’s spiritual or moral foundations but reinforce them. Combined with a Defence Treaty with Australia, it could cement PNG’s identity as a Western-aligned, values-driven nation. Yet distance and geopolitics complicate the...

PNG has positioned itself as one of Israel’s most loyal partners in the Pacific, both symbolically and diplomatically. In recent years, PNG has repeatedly voted with Israel at the United Nations, standing in the minority against resolutions that supported Palestinian statehood, called for ceasefires in Gaza, or condemned Israel’s military actions. At the same time, PNG took the bold step of opening an embassy in Jerusalem, a move that placed it firmly in Israel’s corner on one of the most contentious issues in global diplomacy. These gestures, though costly in terms of international perception, signal PNG’s commitment to its relationship with Israel and create a legitimate expectation of tangible benefits in return. Prime Minister James Marape with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the official opening of PNG’s Embassy in Jerusalem — a landmark moment underscoring PNG’s loyal support for Israel on the global stage. The United Nations voting record highlights PNG’s consist...

In recent months, I have been steadily working on a journal article that documents how I used LinkedIn as a digital platform to collect data for my PhD research. The article is being prepared for Contemporary PNG Studies: DWU Research Journal , and it focuses on the methodological innovations and practical lessons from recruiting participants through social media. This is an important piece of work because it highlights how digital platforms can bridge the gap between geographically dispersed research populations and limited fieldwork resources in PNG. The central argument of the article is straightforward: in contexts like PNG, where students and alumni are scattered across multiple institutions and even across borders, traditional face-to-face data collection is not always viable. Instead, professional networks such as LinkedIn provide a powerful alternative. My experience demonstrates that when used strategically, LinkedIn can generate higher participation rates than institutional ...

The development of any new academic program at Divine Word University (DWU) is not simply a matter of drafting a curriculum and submitting it for teaching. It is governed by a structured framework — the Program Development and Approval Policy (AC6) — designed to safeguard academic quality, institutional credibility, and national alignment. For a program like the proposed Master’s in Foreign Policy Analysis , this process is not just procedural; it is essential to ensuring the program’s long-term viability and acceptance across PNG’s higher education sector. DWU’s Program Development and Approval Policy (AC6), last updated November 2023, provides the framework for accreditation and quality assurance of all academic programs. The first step in the process is the preparation of a Program Specification Document (PSD) . This is not a bureaucratic formality but a comprehensive dossier that captures the program’s rationale, structure, intended learning outcomes, graduate attributes, resourc...

The Lowy Institute’s recent publication “Southeast Asia’s Evolving Defence Partnerships” offers critical lessons for countries on the periphery of Asia’s strategic chessboard. PNG, though not part of ASEAN, is no less exposed to the shifting balance of power. As Southeast Asian states diversify their defence relationships, PNG must read the signals carefully: a multipolar security environment demands agility, not dependence. Lowy Institute’s August 2025 analysis on Southeast Asia’s evolving defence partnerships highlights how regional states are broadening their security ties beyond the US and China — a lesson PNG can adapt as it recalibrates its own defence strategy. The report underscores how Southeast Asian nations have moved beyond binary choices between the US and China. Instead, they are engaging Australia, Japan, India, and South Korea through defence agreements, dialogues, and joint exercises. This diversification strategy is highly relevant for PNG, which still leans disprop...

The signing of shiprider agreements with the UK and the US , alongside PNG’s long-standing participation in Australia’s Pacific Maritime Security Program, signals a major transformation in the way Port Moresby manages its ocean domain. On the face of it, these partnerships are practical: they give the PNGDF access to vessels, surveillance, and training it cannot afford on its own. For a country with responsibility over 2.4 million square kilometres of sea, such external help is not optional—it is survival. Yet beneath the rhetoric of “capacity building” and “partnership,” there is a deeper layer that warrants careful scrutiny. All three of PNG’s main maritime security partners—the UK, US, and Australia—are members of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance and central actors in the AUKUS security pact. Their motives cannot be divorced from the larger strategic contest in the Indo-Pacific, where maritime access, surveillance reach, and influence over island states are critical pieces in ...

Francis Hualupmomi’s 2015 essay on the internationalisation of higher education was one of the first attempts to explain why PNG has struggled to harness education as a tool of diplomacy. He noted that while political, economic, diplomatic, and security issues dominate foreign policy, higher education cooperation is rarely prioritised . This neglect has created a blind spot: PNG risks underutilising one of the most powerful instruments of influence in the modern era — education. In today’s world, internationalisation of education is no longer a marginal academic concern but a central component of foreign policy. Countries like China, through its scholarship and language programs, or the United States with the Fulbright Program, use higher education as a deliberate strategy to project soft power, cultivate elites, and build long-term influence. Australia, PNG’s closest neighbour, has long pursued similar goals through the Australia Awards , which provide hundreds of PNG students with ...

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has made inroads across the Pacific through infrastructure, connectivity, and investment projects. Yet in PNG, where China’s largest single investment in the Pacific—the Ramu NiCo mine—operates, benefits remain contested. Community voices , parliamentary debates, and national leaders have all questioned whether Chinese projects are meeting local needs. If the BRI is to enhance China’s credibility in PNG, it must target projects that directly improve daily life for communities around Ramu NiCo. Chief among these is the Ramu–Madang road. Minister Richard Maru has directed the Mineral Resources Authority to audit Ramu NiCo’s community benefits, reflecting growing concerns about whether the mine is delivering fair outcomes for local people. The Ramu–Madang road is not just a transport link; it is the lifeline that connects the Kurumbukari mine site to Madang town, the provincial centre , and to surrounding villages, schools, and markets. For thousands of...

Ramu NiCo has again found itself under the national spotlight. International Trade and Investment Minister Richard Maru recently directed the Mineral Resources Authority (MRA) to conduct an audit into the company’s benefits to local communities, expressing dissatisfaction with its oversight. His demand reflects growing discontent not only in Madang Province but also at the national level, where the question of whether Ramu NiCo is delivering fair returns to PNG is being openly contested. In Parliament, newly elected Usino Bundi MP Vincent Kumura has echoed these concerns, stating plainly that Ramu NiCo must do more for its host communities. His intervention is significant because it adds political weight to grievances long voiced at the grassroots. Kumura’s remarks underline that the dissatisfaction is not just localised complaint but part of a wider political consensus forming around the mine’s performance. National revenue authorities have also entered the debate. Internal Revenu...

Over the past few weeks, I have been steadily advancing my PhD research on China’s Higher Education Exchange Programs and their influence on Sino–PNG relations. I am pleased to share with you, my survey participants and wider audience, that I have completed two significant research reports. These documents represent important milestones in both the data analysis phase and in refining the methodology that underpins this study. The first report focuses on the quantitative data analysis . Drawing on the survey responses I received from participants across PNG and those currently studying in China, I examined trends using descriptive statistics such as means, frequencies, and cross-tabulations. These figures reveal not only how students and alumni perceive Chinese scholarships and language programs but also how these experiences are shaping their views on bilateral relations. The data points to consistent support for the academic quality of these programs while also highlighting areas whe...