Why PNG Must Invest in Intelligence and Research to Drive Foreign Policy
PNG’s foreign policy since 1982 has been anchored on Active and Selective Engagement. The principle is sound: be open to the world, but engage in ways that protect and advance national interests. Yet this approach cannot succeed in today’s strategic environment without one critical foundation—intelligence.
Without strong intelligence and rigorous research capacity, the government is operating blind in an increasingly complex geopolitical arena.
The reality is stark. From great power competition in the Pacific to transnational crime, cyber threats, and shifting trade routes, PNG’s security and prosperity depend on decisions informed by evidence, not guesswork. But evidence requires investment. The National Intelligence Organization (NIO), police intelligence, defence intelligence, customs intelligence, and even private security firms are operating with limited budgets and outdated capabilities. This leaves policymakers without the high-quality, real-time intelligence products needed to anticipate risks or seize opportunities.
Intelligence, however, is not confined to the security sector. Universities and research institutions are just as vital. They generate the social, political, economic, and cultural analysis that helps situate foreign policy within the lived realities of our people and region. Research output from institutions like the National Research Institute, Divine Word University, and the University of PNG should feed directly into foreign policy and national security planning. This requires targeted funding for research grants, data collection, and analytical training.
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Emblem of the National Intelligence Organization (NIO), with its mandate to ‘Secure PNG Through Intelligence.’ |
Investing in intelligence and research is not a luxury; it is the cost of sovereignty. Boosting NIO’s analytic capability, strengthening police and defence intelligence, modernizing customs intelligence, and integrating private sector insights are all essential steps. Similarly, building research fellowships, strengthening university think tanks, and expanding government–academic partnerships will create a pipeline of PNG-based expertise that supports evidence-based policy-making.
Critics may argue that PNG faces pressing socioeconomic needs—health, education, infrastructure—that should come first. Yet this is a false dichotomy. Intelligence and research underpin the success of those very sectors. Effective policy in education, health, or infrastructure depends on accurate data and security foresight. Neglecting intelligence only guarantees waste, inefficiency, and vulnerability to external manipulation.
If PNG is to truly practice Active and Selective Engagement, it must stop treating intelligence as a backroom activity and research as an academic exercise. They are the operational backbone of sovereignty. A state without its own intelligence networks and research capacity will always be selective only in name, but never in practice. Selectivity requires choice, and choice requires knowledge.
The path forward is clear. PNG must increase budgetary allocations for intelligence and research across the NIO, security agencies, universities, and think tanks. Only then will foreign policy decisions be grounded in evidence and driven by national priorities rather than foreign influence. In the 21st century, intelligence is not about secrecy—it is about strategy. PNG must invest now, or risk drifting blind into an uncertain future.
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PNG National Intelligence Organization (NIO) Act Review Symposium, held at APEC Haus on 4–5 December 2024, highlighting efforts to modernize the country’s intelligence framework. |
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